Strategic compulsions
Six years down the road, the US still hesitates to display tangible confidence in Pakistan as an ally
http://jang.com.pk/thenews/sep2007-weekly/nos-16-09-2007/dia.htm#5
By Naveed Ahmad
Since the 1950s, Pakistan-US relations have been an interesting subject for foreign policy
analysts.-- reminiscent of a roller coaster ride with abrupt lows and unpredictable highs.
In pre-9/11 era, Pakistan's defiant nuclear programme had irked United States so much that Washington would term it a policy of constructive disengagement, manifested through threats and negative legislations. The horrific images of 9/11 changed the mindset of the credibility-starved Pakistani military dictator General Pervez Musharraf, who cleverly offered unconditional support in the war against terror.
By September 12, 2001, the very next evening, Pakistan had become the front-line ally for the United States, courtesy plotters of terror attacks in New York and Washington DC.
Though the relationship rested on cooperating in war against terror, the diplomatic articulation portrayed three so called 'broad areas' that constituted the basis of the new alignment between the two nations:
1. Helping the states of South Asia to enhance regional stability.
2. Aiding Pakistan to strengthen economic, social, political, and democratic development.
3. Building bridges between US and Pakistani people in order to foster greater mutual understanding between the two countries.
So much has happened over the past five eventful years but the Pakistan-US relations remain far from cordial. Sacrifice of over 1,000 troops, loss of lives of hundreds in 'collateral damage' and unlawfully handing over of countless citizens to the American spy agencies means little for the Bush administration amid claims of Islamabad 'not doing enough'.
Five years after 9/11, much water has gone under the bridges for both United States and its front-line ally, General Pervez Musharraf, whose army has spared unprecedented number of troops as well as military wherewithal to the Afghan-bordering tribal areas.
Washington is now actively engaging Pakistan's military, police, bureaucrats, and politicians to fight a war against the religious extremists who find refuge in the remote, mountainous areas of Pakistan. General Musharraf's quest for Washington's backing to perpetuate his claim to power overshadows NATO or US pre-emptive strikes across its border with Afghanistan.
Though the United States has found little information to locate elusive Osama bin Laden and Mullah Omar, yet the Bush administration, American media as well as think-tanks continue to dream of the duo's presence in Chitral or tribal areas of the country.
Tasnim Aslam, spokesperson for Pakistan's foreign ministry, routinely rejects the claim, asking for specific and credible information which has so far never reached the responsible offices.
Islamabad gets the blame of providing safe havens to Taliban and al-Qaeda while poppy cultivation, gun-running and lawlessness reaches unprecedented heights in Hamid Karzai's Afghanistan controlled by an assortment of the world's most modern armies.
Six years later, with so many captures and killings to their credit, the Pakistani military and intelligence agencies are still being openly alleged of sympathising with al-Qaeda in its fight against the West.
Since the controversial U-turn of 9/11, the Pakistani society has seen more bloodshed in its streets than ever before. Suicide bombing and time-device explosions have rather become a routine across the whole country. Though Islamabad has banned radical groups such as Jaish-e-Mohammad, Lashkar-i-Taiba etc, the military operations in twin Waziristans and mock doses of enlightened moderation have given birth to an underworld of more sophisticated and organised, media savvy outfits -- the likes of late Ghazi Abdul Rashid. These neo-Islamists speak fluent English, wear western outfits, use the latest gadgets and run FM channels and websites hosted off-shores. These neo-Islamists are functioning more on the lines of Al-Muhajiroon and Hizb-ut-Tahrir.
Sitting on the debris of failed foreign and domestic policies, Musharraf continues to portray his persona as the sole voice of moderation in the country. Washington is backing his power-sharing deal with Benazir Bhutto tooth and nail but terms deportation of Nawaz Sharif as an internal, legal matter of Pakistan.
Predictably then, US Deputy Secretary of State John Negroponte told a press briefing in Islamabad, "Deportation of Nawaz Sharif is an internal and legal matter of Pakistan and the people of Pakistan." However, "We support a peaceful democratic transition in Pakistan."
Six years down the road, the US still hesitates to publicly display tangible confidence in Pakistan. For example, responding to a question about pre-emptive strikes in the tribal areas, John Negroponte said, "Whatever counter terror activities are being undertaken, they are being carried out in complete respect for sovereignty of Pakistan."
Interestingly Foreign Secretary Riaz Khan could not help but could only say, "Parameters for security cooperation are very clear and understood by both the sides."
While Washington acknowledges capture of over 500 wanted al-Qaeda and Taliban activists and death of hundreds others in various military operations, the much-hyped strategic dialogue has yet to take off.
The two countries launched the Strategic Dialogue in March 2006 when US President George W. Bush visited Pakistan. The first round of talks was held in Washington in April 2006.
Though US Deputy Secretary of State Negroponte led the American delegation in the second round of the Pakistan-US Strategic Dialogue, there has been little tangible progress to report at any given public forum. Theoretically, a wide range of areas of cooperation, including economic cooperation, energy, science and technology, counter-terrorism, health, and education were listed as agenda items, the high profile visit marking five years of Pakistan-US relationship is marred with speculations about Musharraf's future and Benazir's stakes.
While its nuclear energy deal with India makes headlines, Islamabad has nothing to report on its docile proposal for setting up of nuclear energy parks. Ironically, both the countries did not discuss prospects for cooperation on nuclear energy.
The state of Pakistan-US relations could be best symbolised by the US Congress bill on July 27. The bill makes US aid to Pakistan contingent on Islamabad's efforts to fight extremist groups operating on its territory, particularly those launching operations across the Durand Line in Afghanistan. The bill also conditions aid on free and fair elections in 2008 and the restoration of democracy after eight years of military rule.
As the country moves closer to general elections, Washington is hoping for Musharraf's re-election as president with Benazir Bhutto as his power partner. Most analysts find US giving precedence to personalities -- dictators (military and civilians both) -- over a nation of 160 million people, arousing old fears of abrupt end to the existing temporary warmth, courtesy General Musharraf.
Email: navid.rana@gmail.com
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