Monday, October 8, 2007

Bloody Saturday

Bloody Saturday

The blood of journalists and lawyers staining the ground became the worst example ever of police brutality in the country's capital

 

By Naveed Ahmad

http://jang.com.pk/thenews/oct2007-weekly/nos-07-10-2007/dia.htm#5

September 29 will be remembered as a day when the authorities opted for mindless violence against protesting lawyers and other members of civil society as General Musharraf's loyalists drove towards the Election Commission.

Upset by the live coverage of events, the print and electronic media-persons were accorded special treatment starting with verbal assaults to teargas shelling and baton attack on their heads. The cables of TV cameras were snapped to deny the people second-by-second coverage of a gory drama happening on the Constitution Avenue, all in the name of gradual transition to democracy.

PEMRA ensured that the news channels remain blacked out for telephonic beepers of their correspondents from the scene.

This unprecedented lawlessness against lawyers as well as media persons was being unleashed on the direct instructions of Inspector General of Police Syed Marvat Shah. Efficient assistance came from DIG (operations) Shahid Nadeem Baloch but he escaped the camera lens. The entire capital administration was being assisted by brutally notorious contingents of the Punjab Police besides hundreds of plain-clothed men for security and intelligence agencies.

Ironically, the police rampage coincided with the presence of Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz, his cabinet members and the Punjab chief minister inside the Election Commission for scrutiny of presidential candidates nomination papers.

The government might cast doubt over the lawyers struggle for the restoration of the rule of law, but there can be no defence for thrashing journalists and blacking out the news coverage.

The journalist fraternity was being punished for exposing the farce that this exercise in 'self-righteousness' by a general in uniform was not resulting through much-trumpeted transition of power.

As unquestioned leaders of opportunists -- Benazir Bhutto and Fazlur Rahman -- continue to roll the dice with the devil and pray alongside the faithful, the resignations from the APDM platform deprive the presidential election of any moral basis whatsoever.

In an exceptionally pro-active move on Sunday, Chief Justice of Pakistan Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry issued notices to the interior secretary, Punjab additional advocate general, IG police, chief commissioner, deputy commissioner and senior superintendent of police, Islamabad, to appear before court in connection with police violence against lawyers, the media and representatives of human rights and civil society organisations.

The Supreme court also directed private TV channels, including Geo, ARY and Aaj, to produce recordings of the incidents, especially any occurrences of violence, that were telecast live on these channels.

Appearing before Chief Justice of Supreme Court Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry on his judicial notice, the top officials of two Islamabad hospitals -- PIMS and Poly Clinic -- admitted that the intelligence agencies have been harassing their staff, forcing them not only to amend the medical record of the hospitalised journalists and lawyers but also to prematurely discharge ones with serious injuries.

None other than the chief justice had to order re-hospitalisation of seriously injured lawyers and journalists and the expenses to be paid by the government.

The chief justice had to force his orders on a reluctant interior secretary (a former IG police), Syed Kamal Shah, to issue suspension orders of recently promoted and appointed IG Marvat Shah. The SSP and deputy commissioner too received suspension orders while the chief commissioner could miraculously escape any reprimand.

Though the hearing has been adjourned with scores of issues to be settled in the Supreme Court on October 23, the civil society is in high spirits despite the most depressing times in recent history. The media organisations of TV channel and newspaper owners, editors and journalists have all expressed unprecedented unison against the last Saturday's state terrorism.

Though September 29 clearly reminded the journalist fraternity of General Zia's repressive martial law days, General Musharraf cannot put the genie back into the bottle. The electronic and print media freedom cannot be curtailed anymore as there is immense public appetite for live and objective real-time coverage of unfolding stories.

Email: navid.rana@gmail.com

 

Saturday, October 6, 2007

Pakistani madrassas under attack

The Pakistani leader’s hard-hitting crackdown on Islamic religious schools has sparked public outcry and criticism from analysts and politicians who say that not all madrassas are spreading extremism.

By Naveed Ahmad in Pakistan for ISN Security Watch (10/08/05)

Opposition politicians in Pakistan have expressed concern that the government’s harsh crackdown on Islamic religious schools (madrassas) could lead to nationwide protests and set back reform efforts that had finally begun to make some headway after four long years.

On Sunday, the government got its first taste of what critics warn could end in nationwide demonstrations when madrassa students in Peshawar protested against orders to expel all foreign students from the religious schools.

General Pervez Musharraf, the country’s president and military chief, ordered the expulsion of all foreign students as part of his crackdown on madrassas in the wake of the 7 July bombings of London’s transport system and British investigators’ claims that two of the suspected suicide bombers had attended madrassas in Pakistan - a claim that is not supported with concrete evidence.

Since then, accusations that madrassas are fostering extremism and in some cases even providing students with “terrorism” training have made the schools a target for indiscriminate Pakistani security forces.

In late July, Pakistani security forces arrested some 300 Islamic clerics and students from madrassas across the country for allegedly preaching extremism and disseminating hate material. It was the third such crackdown in as many years - and the most hard-hitting.

Musharraf set a deadline of 31 December for the religious schools to register with the Interior Ministry and to send hundreds of foreign students packing - even those holding dual citizenship in Pakistan.

Pakistani officials estimate that there are about 1,400 Muslims, mostly from Arab and African countries, but some also from Britain and the US, among an estimated one million students attending madrassas in Pakistan. Nongovernmental sources estimate that there are around 10,000 madrassas in Pakistan.

There is no lack of critics of the crackdown. Human rights groups say the government is indiscriminately attacking madrassas without investigating whether they are indeed training “terrorists” and spreading extremism, or actually providing much-needed education in the country’s remote and isolated regions. Opposition politicians say the crackdown was conducted hastily and under international pressure, pointing out that Musharraf has drawn most of his current political power from “terrorism” and “terrorists”, having enthusiastically joined the US-led “war on terror”.

Recently, Musharraf himself has admitted that the security forces might have gotten a bit out of hand in their anti-madrassa operations.

During one of their raids in mid-July, police wounded 23 female students at a Muslim school for women, prompting Musharraf to issue an order to Interior Minister Aftab Sherpao, saying: “The crackdown must be restricted to seminaries promoting militancy and religious intolerance because all seminaries are not drawn into terror activities.”

Madrassas and the anti-Soviet jihad

After the 1979 Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, large sums of money flowed into Pakistan to educate Afghan children growing up in refugee camps. Most of the money came from Saudi Arabia and the US.

The schools established with that money served the twin purposes of imparting religious education in accordance with the strict Wahhabi version of Sunni Islam and preparing students to fight against the Soviets.

Today, many madrassas are portrayed as frightening, dreary places, where children memorize the Muslim holy book, the Koran, by rote and the curriculum is sometimes a recipe for fanaticism. But many others provide a much-needed education and create opportunities for students in the country’s remote, isolated tribal regions.

Hafiz Moazzam Shah, 20, says his dream is to become a banker.

Hailing from an underdeveloped, remote village in Pakistan’s Northwestern Batagram district, Shah says his father gave him his only chance for a decent future by sending him to the Idara Uloom-i-Islami madrassa. There, his education is free, from books to lodging.

Shah says that coming from a village with no electricity, no hospital, and no proper roads, a chance to study at the madrassa is a Godsend.

While many madrassas offer instruction only in religion, ignoring other academic fields, the Idara Uloom-i-Islam madrassa is well-known for offering a quality education not only in Islamic subjects but also in the humanities.

Amid the atmosphere of insecurity, the Idara Uloom-i-Islami confidently continues with its work, offering its students sports and access to newspapers and even the internet.

While Shah is making a name for himself as one of the country’s top science students, his relatives back home are struggling to make ends meet in hard labor jobs.

“I have been very lucky, thanks to The Almighty,” says Shah.

In another remote town of Pind Daden Khan, in the historic Jhelum district, Maulana Anwar Qureshi runs a similar madrassa - Jamia Muhammadia Rizvia - which has become renowned for offering a quality, well-rounded education.

“We look after the children 24 hours a day and guide them in religion and contemporary subjects,” Maulana Anwar told ISN Security Watch in July.

Some 275 students are enrolled in the madrassa’s humanities and general science department, while another 75 are registered in classes focused on memorizing the Koran..

“We are one of those competing with the modern schools, but to a great extent, madrassa students across the country have been taking exams in mainstream educational institutions since the mid-1980s,” Anwar says.

The shrinking job market is one reason for the madrassas shift in academic focus from purely religious to more practical, contemporary subjects that could help their students find gainful employment, says Shah.

Knocking down the wrong doors?

American scholars Peter Bergen and Swati Pandey, writing for the New York Times, say that while today’s madrassas “may breed fundamentalists who have learned to recite the Koran in Arabic by rote, such schools do not teach the technical or linguistic skills necessary to be an effective terrorist”.

For their study, Bergen and Pandey examined the educational backgrounds of 75 “terrorists” believed to have been responsible for the largest attacks against Westerners in recent history. They found that a majority of them were not educated at madrassas, but at universities, and that most of them had studied technical subjects, like engineering.

The study, titled “The Madrassa Myth”, found that in the four attacks for which the most complete information about the perpetrators’ educational levels is available - the 1993 World Trade Center bombing, the 1998 attacks on the American embassies in Kenya and Tanzania, the 11 September 2001 attacks on the US, and the 2002 Bali bombings - 53 per cent of the “terrorists” had either attended college or had received a college degree.

“The terrorists in our study thus appear, on average, to be as well educated as many Americans,” Bergen and Pandey wrote.

Moreover, the 9/11 pilots, as well as the secondary planners identified by the 9/11 commission, all attended Western universities. The lead 9/11 pilot, Mohamed Atta, had a degree in urban preservation from a German university, while another pilot, Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, studied engineering in North Carolina, according to the study.

Pakistan’s religious politicians largely agree with the US study.

“Without thinking for a second as he heard [British Prime Minister] Tony Blair warn against Pakistani madrassas, the general [Musharraf] launched an assault, putting four years of bridge-building at stake,” Maulana Rasheed Ghazi, a respected Islamic scholar, told ISN Security Watch.

“They have picked up some extremely docile ulemas who have never said a word beyond prayers,” Ghazi said.

The religio-political leadership of the Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal (MMA) rejects allegations that Pakistan’s madrassas have played any sort of role in terrorism.

Professor Tahir Andrabi of California’s Pomona College and co-author of a World Bank-funded study finds that madrassa attendance accounts for less than 1 per cent of school enrollment in Pakistan and that there is no evidence of a dramatic increase in recent years. The enrollment is less than 7.5 per cent in areas close to Afghanistan.

Pakistani religious institutions are respected within the Muslim world for their standard of education, says Syed Rashid Bukhari, a researcher on madrassa reforms at the Islamabad-based Institute of Policy Studies.

He agrees with Bergen and Pandey that Pakistan’s madrassas are ill-equipped to provide “terrorism” training to their students.

“Since 9/11, every madrassa I have visited to discuss change and reform seems to [be willing to] transform while protecting their core values and specializations,” he said.

Reforming the madrassas

The government’s failure to devise a framework to manage the madrassas is largely to blame, say many critics.

Musharraf recently appointed his former intelligence chief and current education minister, Lieutenant General (retd) Ashraf Jehangir Qazi as chairman of the Madrassa Reform Board. He appointed Religious Affairs Minister Ijaz-ul-Haq as vice-chairman of the board. But these appointments only came after months of squabbling over who would win control over the Islamic schools, from their financial matters to their educational agendas.

“The whole process will be completed in two phases,” Federal Secretary for Religious Affairs Vakil Ahmed Khan told ISN Security Watch, adding that the Interior Ministry would complete the registration of all formal and informal madrassas in the first phase and then the newly formed commission would “streamline their curriculum and look into financial matters”.

As of 2 August, some 6,148 madrassas were registered with provincial governments, but the daunting task of registering the remaining 5,073 madrassas lies ahead.

Many observers believe that the government’s proposed madrassa reforms are not necessarily the answer to the problem.

Shahid Hafeez Kardar, a former finance minister for the Punjab provincial government, says the answer to the problem lies in improving the country’s education system as a whole.

“The reforms mean little if the government schools fail to offer good and cheap education to the poor,” he told ISN Security Watch.

Experts say that millions of dollars in international aid for education reform remain unused because of the government’s inability to plan their disbursement.

But while the government seems incapable of handling the reforms, some analysts also believe that the West lacks the cultural sensitivity to step in and help.

Wali Zahid, a social scientist and former editor of The News, recalled an incident in which a Western donor fielded female teachers who were “too Western, even for ordinary folks” to teach English to ulemas in Peshawar and Multan. “If it was deliberate, it was crass,” he says, “if it was by error, it was simply naïve”.

Maulana Faiz-ur-Rahman, the principal of the Uloom-i-Islami madrassa who introduced computer science and mathematics to his students long before the 11 September 2001 attacks, says the madrassas stand to face even tougher challenges thanks to the “war on terror”. However, he says: “They want to transform, but let it be gradual and homegrown.”

“The government can only succeed if it comes with good intentions to help us and does not attempt to alter our identity or force a Western agenda on us,” says Qari Hanif Jalandhary, a madrassa spokesman.

He says the madrassas refused to accept any financial assistance from Western donors or the government “that may compromise our autonomy”.

Rashid agrees with Jalandhary that the government cannot introduce any change without first earning the confidence of the madrassas, whose tradition dates back to the birth of Islam.

Naveed Ahmad is ISN Security Watch’s senior correspondent in Pakistan. He is an investigative journalist and broadcaster whose work regularly appears in the Pakistani daily newspaper, The News, and the monthly magazine, Newsline. Mr Ahmad also hosts a 30-minute current affairs talk show, Insight, for Radio Pakistan’s News & Current Affairs Channel.

Monday, October 1, 2007

Pakistan: Democracy disappointed

Pakistan: Democracy disappointed

 

http://www.isn.ethz.ch/news/sw/details_print.cfm?id=18180

 

The hopes of an independent Supreme Court are dashed with a verdict allowing President Musharraf to continue his military rule and run for re-election as president, while state forces turn violent on protesters.

 

By Naveed Ahmad in Islamabad for ISN Security Watch (01/10/07)

 

Three days after winning a Supreme Court verdict to continue his military rule, the regime of Pakistani President General Pervez Musharraf faces heightened political agitation.

Brute use of force against the protesting lawyers and journalists covering the political drama live on television from Islamabad's Constitution Avenue has pushed the media fraternity into the fray.

Nationwide, businesses were closed and courts remained abandoned as masses donned black stripes on their shoulders in protest against the controversial Supreme Court verdict and an Election Commission that is clearly pro-Musharraf.

After a fortnight of marathon hearings, the Supreme Court overruled half a dozen pleas seeking to disqualify General Musharraf from running in the upcoming presidential race while continuing to serve as the chief of the army. In a 6-3 verdict, the nine-member bench turned down the petitions as "non-maintainable," passing the buck to the explicitly pro-Musharraf Election Commission.

Shortly afterward, the Election Commission cleared the path for Musharraf to contest the 6 October presidential election, which will see the president elected by a parliamentary vote.

A fraternity of lawmakers expressed outrage at the decision of the Supreme Court, which they had thought become independent with the restoration of popular Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry. Musharraf had earlier this year suspended Chaudhry on dubious allegations in a move that led to mass country-wide protests and culminated in the Supreme Court's reinstatement of the popular justice. The Chaudhry-led court appeared of late to be emboldened against Musharraf, and many had predicted that it would not allow the general to run for another term as president without first shedding his military uniform.

"It is not a verdict but a presidential order prepared in the Army House," said Ali Ahmed Kurd, a top lawyer who had led a mass protest in support of the chief justice since 9 March. Kurd was rendered unconscious after being beaten by police on Saturday at the gates of the Supreme Court during an impressive lawyers' rally against the Election Commission.

A few meters away, Aitzaz Ahsan - the country's most respected lawyer and a vehement supporter of Chaudhry - was being mishandled by police for opposing Musharraf's candidacy for president.

Fearing a backlash in other parts of the country, the government blacked out private TV channels as they showed riot police brutally thrashing journalists covering the protests.

The prime minister and half of his cabinet present inside the Election Commission looked the other way while over 30 journalists were hospitalized, some with head injuries and even dislocated limbs.

Despite what the protesters view as a very disappointing ruling, Chief Justice Chaudhry has pledged to investigate the abuse of state power during the protests, and has summoned top government officials and requested video footage of all televised coverage of the protests, as well as hospital records. Regardless of his efforts to this end, it is unclear where the judge stands.

Back to the judiciary

Musharraf has sent out a blunt message to the entire nation, said Rashid Mafzool Zaka, an Islamabad-based political analyst and academic.

"Here is a regime with zero tolerance for opposition, judicial and political both," he told ISN Security Watch, pointing out that this entire crisis has unfolded on the doorstep of the Supreme Court.

However, another presidential candidate, Wajihuddin Ahmad, a Supreme Court judge who refused to validate Musharraf's military rule and stepped down in January 2000, still hopes to block the general's march to the presidential office.

The country's constitution does not allow the outgoing legislatures to elect a president for a fresh term. It also does not permit a serving government officer to contest a political office.

Though Musharraf has indicated his willingness to quit his post as army chief by 15 November, he would have to wait for two years to become eligible - in accordance with the constitution - to contest for a public office.

Thanks to a weak and subservient Election Commission, the presidential polls are set to be held on 6 October, and Musharraf is clearly set to win.

In a bid to deprive the process of credibility, the opposition political parties have decided to resign en masse from the legislature, while the Islamist-dominated Frontier province assembly is being dissolved.

"If one of the federation units does not participate in the presidential election, the whole exercise becomes meaningless," constitutional lawyer Shaukat Siddiqui told local media.

However, Bhutto's Pakistan Peoples' Party (PPP) remains the only non-government party to refuse to resign before the presidential elections. Instead, it has fielded a candidate to ensure "legitimacy" of the process.

Though Bhutto maintains that she could not agree to Musharraf's power-sharing formula, secret talks and soft statements remain, and it is unclear if she will effectively prevent the rest of the opposition's attempt to thwart what is widely viewed as an illegal election.

Federal Minister Shaikh Rashid Ahmad, for one, has high hopes for the Musharraf-Benazir power-sharing deal. "The secret contacts have never severed between the two of us [...] It is a matter of days and not weeks," he told ISN Security Watch in a telephone interview.

Bhutto has been shuttling between London and Washington over the past few weeks, and the mediation role being played by US State Department official Richard Boucher and British politician Jack Straw is no secret. The US would like to see Bhutto and Musharraf reach a power-sharing deal, as they view both as figures Washington can work with, despite mass protests in Pakistan for a return to democracy.

A senior PPP leader close to Bhutto believes the deal will become a reality once Musharraf sheds his military uniform as promised in November. Requesting anonymity, he claimed that both Bhutto and Musharraf were in direct telephone contact with each other.

Interestingly, Bhutto's planned return to the country in November after a decade of self-exile due to major corruption charges against her speaks volumes of her understanding with the military junta. She is clearly giving way for Musharraf to smoothly take over as president for another term. In return, she will expect the corruption charges against her to be eased and is banking on the post of prime minister.

Defining moment for democracy

In the words of Munir A Malik, president of the Supreme Court Bar Association, after completing the first phase of Chief Justice Chaudhry's restoration, the lawyers' movement has entered its second crucial phase - the removal of General Musharraf. And despite this most recent major setback, the lawyers remained determined.

"It is set to be a long, drawn out battle, and we are prepared for one," he told ISN Security Watch. "Though it shocked the nation badly, Friday's verdict speaks volumes about the degree of the Supreme Court's independence."

Soon after the shocking verdict, civil society activists marched in Supreme Court premises carrying a casket meant to symbolize the death of the independent judiciary.

"The judges have let us down while we had much greater hopes from them," one disappointed voter, Zain Qureshi, a grocery shop-owner in neighboring Rawalpindi, told ISN Security Watch.

And many others echo his sentiments.

But analysts recognize that it is not only the judiciary that has dropped the ball here, but politicians as well.

Ayesha Siddiqa Agha, author of the book Military Inc: Inside Pakistan's Military Economy, writes: "The judges are clearly not willing to take the pressure of filling the gap created due to the absence of a popular political movement."

With journalists and lawyers joining hands after Saturday's open state violence, the politicians finally seem to be pulling their act together. The likely resignations from the legislature and dissolution of a provincial assembly would have far-reaching consequences for Musharraf's credibility.

"We will be able to sustain our movement at any cost but much depends on the Supreme Court, which has always validated the military takeovers," Imran Khan, from the partyTehrik-i-Insaf, told ISN Security Watch.

Undoubtedly, the US remains a crucial player in Pakistan's political crisis, and without Washington's backing, Musharraf could not have survived this long.

Ironically, both Pakistan and Burma (Myanmar) have captured mainstream media headlines over the past two weeks for the same reasons: The ruling Myanmar military junta is drawing Washington's ire for drowning democracy under military dictatorship, while the same situation in Pakistan is being supported by the Bush administration.

 

 

Naveed Ahmad is ISN Security Watch's senior correspondent in Pakistan and Afghanistan. Besides reporting for Pakistani TV channel, Geo News and Germany's DW-TV, he is also a special correspondent for McClatchy Newspapers group in the US.